Transcription
[00:00:00] Tobias: Hello and welcome to the first episode of our dritten season of Archivwürdig,
[00:00:06] the podcast of the Innsbruck City Archives.
[00:00:10] At the beginning of our season I invited Sabine Pitscheider to talk to us.
[00:00:15] Sabine has been researching the Nazi era in Tyrol for many years and was part of the expert commission
[00:00:21] for the new memorial site and co-authored a study on the Reichenau labor education camp.
[00:00:28] Together we talk mainly about the Reichenau labor education camp,
[00:00:31] but also about camp and camp work in Tyrol in general.
[00:00:36] [Intro music] Tobias: Dear Sabine, thank you for talking to me today about the Reichenau labor education camp.
[00:00:57] Which is also, let me say, the overarching theme of the season.
[00:01:01] And maybe let's just really start at the base with the Reichenau labor education camp.
[00:01:08] How long has the Reichenau labor education camp existed?
[00:01:11] Sabine: Since the winter of 1941/42.
[00:01:14] And originally the idea was to set up a reception camp for Italian workers.
[00:01:20] Because that was exactly the time when Italian workers wanted to return home en masse from the German Reich.
[00:01:26] And many were picked up at the Brenner Pass.
[00:01:28] And the German Reich didn't want to lose any workers.
[00:01:31] And so the idea was to collect them somewhere and distribute them further, after a punishment.
[00:01:36] Because that was labor flight and was forbidden.
[00:01:39] And when the Italian government found out about it, they weren't thrilled,
[00:01:43] because officially Italy was an ally of the German Reich
[00:01:46] and you don't normally treat friends like that.
[00:01:49] And then the instruction was, well, if it's not a reception camp,
[00:01:52] then we'll make a labor education camp
[00:01:54] and there were labor education camps all over the Reich, over 100.
[00:01:58] And they were intended for discipline.
[00:02:01] For every worker, regardless of citizenship.
[00:02:04] And there the people were to be disciplined and educated to work under quotation marks, please.
[00:02:11] Educated and after a certain period of extremely bad treatment, come back to their old job
[00:02:17] and continue to talk about how bad it was for them, so that the others don't get the idea of resisting.
[00:02:23] Tobias: The choice of location, that's not entirely arbitrary.
[00:02:27] Sabine: It wasn't arbitrary, as you say.
[00:02:29] The Nazi regime needed dringend camps to accommodate the many workers,
[00:02:32] whether prisoners of war, voluntary civilian workers or forced laborers.
[00:02:36] And they mostly tried to create this infrastructure on the outskirts of towns or villages.
[00:02:43] And the first camp in Reichenau in this area, where the AEL was located, was the prisoner of war camp of the city of Innsbruck.
[00:02:50] And right after that was a civilian labor camp of the city of Innsbruck, over the years
[00:02:54] There was also a Reichspost camp and a Reichsbahn camp.
[00:02:57] And the location was favorably chosen from the Nazi point of view
[00:03:01] With the north bridge you could get to the other side of the Inn
[00:03:05] and there was a streetcar stop there.
[00:03:07] And at the same time, these camps were within walking distance of the large construction sites of the city of Innsbruck in Pradl.
[00:03:14] And therefore also accessible on foot.
[00:03:17] Tobias: You've already mentioned the other camps, which were still in urban areas.
[00:03:22] How should the labor education camp be classified in terms of size on Innsbruck soil or the importance of the camp?
[00:03:31] In contrast perhaps to the Innsbruck camps or other camps.
[00:03:35] And perhaps also, if we look a little, in relation to Tyrol, so to speak.
[00:03:41] Sabine: Innsbruck itself had, well, normally every larger municipality had its own camp.
[00:03:46] The local businesses usually rented their staff and paid for it.
[00:03:52] In other words, it was basically like a commercial enterprise.
[00:03:54] It was the same for the city of Innsbruck.
[00:03:56] And in theory, 750 people were accommodated in the camps of the city of Innsbruck.
[00:04:01] So there were 750 sleeping places.
[00:04:03] In emergencies there were often more.
[00:04:06] And then there were the company camps.
[00:04:10] That means that some companies, especially construction companies, had their own company camps.
[00:04:14] They were usually small, 100/150 men, and were then moved again when the construction site was finished.
[00:04:20] In other words, they were really traveling camps.
[00:04:23] And that means in Innsbruck itself we have the camps of the city of Innsbruck with about 750 people.
[00:04:31] The smaller company camps or larger ones.
[00:04:34] And the AEL, with 800 possible accommodation places, was one of the large camps in Innsbruck.
[00:04:43] But the largest camps in Tyrol were the power plant construction camps.
[00:04:47] So TIWAG in the Lower Inn Valley and the West Tyrolean power plants in West Tyrol.
[00:04:53] And these were, excuse me, very briefly, these were camps of 1,000, 1,500, 2,000.
[00:04:58] Tobias: As stupid as it sounds now, they were also prisoners or detainees from the camps,
[00:05:05] so they were also exchanged across Tyrol, so they came to the Lower Inn Valley for work assignments, for example.
[00:05:13] They stayed there for a while and then returned to the labor camp?
[00:05:17] Sabine: That was quite common.
[00:05:18] That is, normally a worker, whether civilian, prisoner of war or conscripted,
[00:05:24] could not choose the job.
[00:05:26] The employment office assigned them according to economic considerations.
[00:05:30] In other words, it was quite common for someone who was perhaps first at the Retter construction company's warehouse on the Ulfiswiese,
[00:05:37] then came to the Ötztal or then to the Illwerke and maybe back to the city in winter.
[00:05:42] In other words, we were always dealing with a lot of people at the same time, but they weren't always the same people.
[00:05:48] Tobias: Because we've already briefly touched on the subject.
[00:05:52] Work assignments have come to a building site, to a building project.
[00:05:58] What is the formal procedure, for example, how a company can obtain a worker?
[00:06:05] call them workers now, they're conscripted workers,
[00:06:08] is it a formal act, a letter that you send and then you get the person?
[00:06:15] Sabine: It was more complicated. [both laugh]
[00:06:18] Sabine: So it was only the employment office that was responsible.
[00:06:21] That means, if a company needed a worker, male, female, old, young, it didn't matter,
[00:06:25] an application had to be submitted to the employment office.
[00:06:28] And then you had to prove that you could accommodate the worker.
[00:06:32] That's why there were so many company camps and community camps.
[00:06:35] And only when that was secured did the employment office start looking for such a person.
[00:06:40] The Nazi regime had recruitment agreements with friendly countries,
[00:06:44] with Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary and so on.
[00:06:47] And that means that there were recruitment offices in these countries where people could apply,
[00:06:52] for a job in the German Reich, if they were healthy and able to work
[00:06:55] and not hostile, they came to work in the German Reich.
[00:06:58] Those were the volunteers.
[00:07:00] Whereby voluntariness is very relative, because if they were in the German Reich,
[00:07:03] if they didn't like the work and wanted to leave, they couldn't.
[00:07:06] And from then on it was more like forced labor.
[00:07:10] And the employment office then asked at these recruitment offices
[00:07:14] and they kept coming... either the people came to the Reich individually or on transports.
[00:07:19] And they mainly came on transports from the occupied western territories of the Soviet Union,
[00:07:26] today Ukraine and Belarus, which were subject to particularly strict regulations.
[00:07:32] They had to carry their own license plate so that everyone knew immediately,
[00:07:35] that they were dealing with "subhumans" under quotation marks.
[00:07:39] And with these deportation trains they came into the Reich all together
[00:07:43] and were then distributed to the employment offices and the employment offices then distributed them again to the individual companies.
[00:07:48] When the labor arrived, no one could say, neither the employment office nor anyone else,
[00:07:53] that means in principle the companies that really needed workers,
[00:07:57] needed an enormous amount of perseverance until they got anyone at all.
[00:08:02] They were not allowed to hire someone who had applied to them freely, that was not possible.
[00:08:06] It did happen, but theoretically it wasn't possible.
[00:08:09] The only responsible body was the employment office.
[00:08:11] Tobias: It would also have been possible for the worker simply not to have been found at all
[00:08:15] and then it never came to the transfer of a worker, so to speak?
[00:08:20] Sabine: Yes, that is quite possible.
[00:08:22] The employment office, the message was simply terse, currently not possible.
[00:08:26] [Drehgeräusch] Tobias: Maybe we should just go back to the labor education camp in Reichenau.
[00:08:34] You've already said that they are registered, in and of themselves,
[00:08:38] come in, they come from the East now, different locations,
[00:08:42] they arrive at the camp,
[00:08:44] Are they then... or how meticulously are they registered, the arrivals?
[00:08:50] Sabine: That depended on whether they were prisoners of war or civilian workers.
[00:08:54] Prisoners of war were registered in the prisoner of war camps,
[00:08:58] Most of those who came to Tyrol came from Markt Pongau, today St. Johann im Pongau.
[00:09:03] They had a number and all the correspondence was between the management of the main camp and the labor office.
[00:09:10] The company itself had nothing to do with it.
[00:09:12] It only rented the labor of these men.
[00:09:15] And every week the POW camp had to report to the mayor of the town where the camp was located,
[00:09:20] report who was currently interned in this camp, who was imprisoned
[00:09:26] and which company these people were assigned to.
[00:09:29] Most of these lists no longer exist.
[00:09:31] That was the case with civilian workers, it was under the Aliens Employment Act,
[00:09:35] just like today. There was a foreigners authority at every district administration,
[00:09:39] There was a temporary residence permit, the people were socially insured,
[00:09:44] and were given their own ID card as a foreign worker, as we know it today.
[00:09:50] Tobias: How do you see the difference now between a labor education camp and a concentration camp?
[00:09:56] Sabine: The main difference lies in the purpose of the camp.
[00:10:02] To say that now... Tobias: In general terms. It's difficult to... Sabine: It's very difficult, but normally, you have to say, in an AEL the aim was not the death of the person,
[00:10:13] because they were supposed to return to a work process.
[00:10:16] And since there was a shortage of workers, the goal was basically to maintain the workforce.
[00:10:22] That had very little to do with the practice in the labor education camp.
[00:10:30] But that's also because the Innsbruck labor education camp took on all kinds of other functions.
[00:10:37] For example, it was a transit camp for deported Jews from Italy on their way to Auschwitz.
[00:10:43] And while they were interned here, of course they also had to do work and were treated extremely badly,
[00:10:50] because, as "subhumans" in quotation marks, they had no value in life at all.
[00:10:54] Or workers who became Italians after Italy fell, from the summer of 1943,
[00:11:04] who went on strike were deported to the German Reich via the Reichenau camp.
[00:11:09] They were treated extremely badly.
[00:11:11] They got some dead bodies out of these deported Italian workers.
[00:11:15] And then the camp also had the function of, let's call it, a depot for politically unpopular people.
[00:11:25] For example, when the assassination attempt on Hitler failed in the summer of 1944,
[00:11:29] there were arrests all over the Reich.
[00:11:31] And also in Tyrol, where those who were considered political enemies were interned in the Reichenau labor education camp.
[00:11:38] That was the case again in April 1945.
[00:11:42] Or we have this action in the spring of 1943, that the Gauleiter Hofer wanted to get Tyrol free of Jews at all costs
[00:11:50] and simply had the Jewish spouses of Aryans in Aryan marriages arrested
[00:11:56] and deposited them in the Reichenau labor education camp on their way to Auschwitz.
[00:12:02] These people were treated differently again.
[00:12:04] That means, on the one hand, we have this labor education, where the goal was not to kill,
[00:12:09] because the labor force should be preserved and then we had people imprisoned there again,
[00:12:14] where it didn't matter whether they lived or died.
[00:12:17] And that simply has to do with the change in function of the camp, that it's very difficult to say,
[00:12:22] where the difference to a concentration camp should actually be.
[00:12:26] Tobiaa: I understand, because the, the, the groups of people in the camp are already different.
[00:12:32] Sabine: It simply depended on how the Nazi regime categorized a person in terms of their "value".
[00:12:38] And there were worthless people and people who were more valuable.
[00:12:42] So the regulations actually said that someone should stay there for a maximum of 56 days for labor training.
[00:12:48] And work education meant forced labor, usually for the city of Innsbruck.
[00:12:52] Tobias: You said normally, that is, that is never the ... so ...
[00:12:56] Sabine: Over time, the longer the war lasted, the more likely it was that regulations were simply ignored.
[00:13:02] And, for example, this limit of 56 days did not apply to the so-called Eastern workers and to these deportees from the Western Soviet Union.
[00:13:09] They were allowed to be exploited indefinitely, because they were at the very, very bottom of the hierarchy of human value anyway.
[00:13:18] And that's why ... so it's very difficult to say.
[00:13:22] Tobias: It's not easy.
[00:13:23] And that's why I thought I'd ask anyway, because it's for the people there draoutside,
[00:13:29] because you always hear about the Reichenau labor education camp but ...
[00:13:32] Sabine: What is that?
[00:13:33] Tobias: What is that and why are there concentration camps, why are there reception camps, this camp, there ...?
[00:13:39] Sabine: Yes. The German camp system was very difficult with the different functions that were written into it.
[00:13:45] Because now, for example, a normal..., so in a prisoner of war camp the aim was not to kill.
[00:13:50] Tobias: Yes. Sabine: The goal was to exploit labor.
[00:13:52] So in a labor prisoner of war camp.
[00:13:55] In the main camps, for example, the more westernized you were, the more likely you were to survive.
[00:14:02] So a Soviet prisoner of war, the probability of survival of a Soviet prisoner of war was low,
[00:14:07] because they were simply treated worse.
[00:14:09] Because depending on where someone came from, you got the food... the amount of food... or not.
[00:14:17] Tobias: The same will apply to prisoners of war.
[00:14:19] Sabine: Also. Even though the Stalagleitung usually made the regulations for prisoners of war.
[00:14:26] The regime itself could not intervene in that way.
[00:14:29] And the Stalag really had to act in accordance with the Geneva Convention.
[00:14:34] The Nazi regime could not intervene as radically as it does now in a civilian labor camp.
[00:14:40] The situation was different in a civilian labor camp.
[00:14:43] There was no Red Cross and no Geneva Convention.
[00:14:46] Normal human rights would have sufficed, but human rights simply didn't exist under the Nazi regime.
[00:14:50] At least not for these people.
[00:14:52] Tobias: Subtle difference.
[00:14:53] Sabine: There is a difference.
[00:14:54] Tobias: But the one that makes a lot of difference.
[00:14:56] Sabine: It makes a lot of difference.
[00:14:57] For example, from the time that... let's say the spring of 1942,
[00:15:02] the Nazi regime had begun to deport millions of people from the western territories,
[00:15:05] the Soviet Union.
[00:15:07] And from then on, the number of prisoner of war camps tended to decrease.
[00:15:12] And more Eastern labor camps were set up.
[00:15:15] Because they were simply... were worse to treat without being harmed.
[00:15:20] Because if you look at discipline, for example, if a prisoner of war tried to escape,
[00:15:25] tried to escape, which happened very often, because the borders were close and very tempting.
[00:15:30] Then the Wehrmacht was responsible.
[00:15:32] In other words, they were picked up again.
[00:15:34] Wehrmacht officers were informed, they were picked up and taken back to the main camp.
[00:15:39] If a civilian worker tried to escape, the Gestapo was responsible.
[00:15:42] That means it was simply much easier.
[00:15:44] Less need for coordination, close chain of command.
[00:15:48] And civilian workers, especially the so-called Eastern workers, earned extremely little money.
[00:15:54] It wasn't a wage, it was a kind of expense allowance.
[00:15:57] And they got less food than others.
[00:16:00] So you couldn't fob off an Italian worker with the food that Eastern workers got.
[00:16:06] Tobias: You just mentioned that the escape attempts, especially by prisoners of war, are in your research,
[00:16:13] Did you find out that there were also escape attempts from the labor education camp?
[00:16:17] Successful or unsuccessful?
[00:16:20] Sabine: None.
[00:16:21] Tobias: None, right?
[00:16:22] Sabine: No, so not according to the files.
[00:16:25] And the problem with the files is that the Gestapo burned their files in April 1945.
[00:16:32] That means we often only know about the labor education camp from court cases,
[00:16:38] from death certificates, from eyewitness testimony, but not really from our own files.
[00:16:45] Tobias: That would be the next question anyway, how difficult it is,
[00:16:49] to somehow trace a camp of that size, where a lot of the files have been destroyed.
[00:16:57] Sabine: Interestingly, there are relatively many files hidden in municipal archives,
[00:17:00] many documents. That would have to be examined more closely, the community chroniclers would have to,
[00:17:04] local chroniclers would have to look into this matter, because municipal archives often contain real treasures,
[00:17:09] that no longer appear anywhere else. You can get a lot of information from court records,
[00:17:16] after 1945, the trials before the People's Court, which not only punished high treason,
[00:17:22] but also war crimes. That's when you get a trial against someone,
[00:17:29] who mistreated prisoners of war or civilian workers, you get information about how the individual
[00:17:34] camp functioned. You actually get information from many different sources,
[00:17:40] State building authorities, when it comes to finding a suitable location for a camp. Or when
[00:17:45] a company wants to build a warehouse and turns to the Innsbruck city building authority and the
[00:17:50] city planning office says, no, we don't want a warehouse to be immediately visible at the entrance to the town,
[00:17:54] because it really deters tourism. And that's why, for example, this camp in the
[00:18:00] Reichenau, they were all relatively close together, simply because the Gauleiter said,
[00:18:05] I don't want the camps to be spread all over the city, it's not safe
[00:18:08] simply an absurdity. The companies wanted, it was a bit of a clash, the companies wanted the
[00:18:12] camps as close as possible to their own premises and the Gauleiter wanted them as close as possible to
[00:18:16] concentrated in two places so that not everyone would notice it right away. Tobias: That's a good point anyway
[00:18:22] point you're making, that not everyone notices them. I only know it from some
[00:18:27] or at least from an interview I did with a contemporary witness who said,
[00:18:31] she never saw them marching through, the forced laborers. How do you see that? It must have been
[00:18:39] the people, especially if they were used by companies for work assignments, they had to be
[00:18:45] actually know where the people are from or where they are, not where their original home is,
[00:18:51] but where they are at the moment. Sabine: Mhm. Yes. Tobias: So the statement, so to speak, however you have it, you didn't know anything.
[00:18:58] Sabine: No, that's not credible. Forced laborers were in every community, even in the smallest one, and if they were
[00:19:04] only with one farmer, they were everywhere. And in the city they didn't hide at all
[00:19:11] concealment at all, because the prisoners of the AEL, for example, had to wear their own clothes and were made of
[00:19:15] lack of resources, they no longer had their own clothes, so the Gestapo simply used the
[00:19:18] the prisoners' civilian clothes with oil paint. So that you could recognize that they were prisoners.
[00:19:23] And normally people wore civilian clothes. That means,
[00:19:28] Civilian workers arrived in civilian clothes and prisoners of war wore uniforms,
[00:19:34] which made their escape more difficult. Because it allowed the prisoner of war to escape successfully,
[00:19:39] he needed civilian clothes and what was also very difficult is that prisoners of war were given
[00:19:44] money for their work, but not in Reichsmarks, but in camp money. These were vouchers,
[00:19:49] that could only be exchanged in the camp canteen. In other words, if someone wanted to successfully
[00:19:53] wanted to escape, they firstly needed a good knowledge of geography and secondly, if possible, a little knowledge of the language,
[00:19:59] drittens civilian clothes and fourthly real money. Tobias: Mhm. Not so easy to get. Sabine: Difficult.
[00:20:06] Tobias: And especially without the help of a local population. Sabine: That has the help of the
[00:20:11] local population. Tobias: Right.
[00:20:13] [Drehgeräusch] We've talked a lot about the forced laborers, prisoners of war. Were there any
[00:20:23] female prisoners in Reichenau or in the whole of Tyrol?
[00:20:28] Sabine: So prisoners of war are male per se. That is clear. Among the civilian labor force
[00:20:34] you have to differentiate between those who came from allied countries,
[00:20:37] who were theoretically volunteers. Then those who come from neutral states, in Vorarlberg
[00:20:43] it mainly concerns citizens from Switzerland. Or where citizenship is unclear.
[00:20:49] But if you look, if you look, there are different statistics for different
[00:20:52] points in time, in December 1943 almost drei quarter of all those employed in Tyrol were
[00:20:59] civilian workers from occupied countries, who were probably not there voluntarily. And if you look at these
[00:21:06] these almost drei quarters again, then you have to say that the overwhelming majority
[00:21:12] of them came either from Poland or from the occupied western territories of the Soviet Union and here
[00:21:17] especially from Ukraine. And what you see again is, if you look at it by gender
[00:21:22] that the vast majority of these forced laborers were women. That means,
[00:21:29] from the spring of 1942, forced labor not only tended to become more female, but and
[00:21:34] very importantly, tended to be younger. These people were deported from the age of 14,
[00:21:39] but younger ones were also possible. That means that in most of the camps, which were mainly
[00:21:44] work with Easter workers are young people. Tobias: But they weren't mainly in Reichenau
reichenau [00:21:51]. Sabine: No, they were mainly in agriculture, in the so-called development cooperatives.
[00:21:56] Every year the Gau appointed Aufbaugemeinden and they were especially subsidized with money,
[00:22:02] Construction of goods roads, cable cars, etc. And each of these development communities had
[00:22:08] its own, a so-called Russian or Eastern workers' camp. And the majority of them were female.
[00:22:13] Tobias: Hard to imagine actually. Sabine: Hard to imagine. On the other hand, the Nazi regime
[00:22:18] people from the East a low human value. What these women
[00:22:22] happened to these women was that they were not only extremely exploited. Textile industry, textile industry,
[00:22:27] agriculture, sometimes also in construction. They also had to suffer, for example,
[00:22:31] when they became pregnant, they were subjected to forced abortions.
[00:22:34] Tobias. I could also imagine... Sabine: And of course there were also rapes.
[00:22:38] Tobias: I was just going to... Sabine: Right. Tobias: That... Sabine: Yes, that's a side effect of coercion.
[00:22:44] Tobias: That means they were in their own camps in the places, in the areas of operation.
[00:22:49] Or is there another camp that is of interest or importance to women in that respect?
[00:22:54] importance for women? Sabine: Yes, the Gestapo AEL in Reichenau was only for men,
[00:23:00] theoretically. There were also women there, but only for a short time. And that means female
[00:23:05] Labor education prisoners were sent to the Heinkel company camp in Jenbach,
[00:23:09] today the Jenbach factory. Tobias: And do you know what happened to the women after that, so to speak, either with
[00:23:15] end of the regime, did they all return to their countries of origin?
[00:23:21] Did some of them stay there? Is that hard to grasp, probably, isn't it? Sabine: It's hard to believe.
[00:23:26] That's an empty field of research as far as Tyrol is concerned. It's important to differentiate,
[00:23:32] which country they came from. So French women, of course they went back, Dutch women
[00:23:36] and so on. But with the deportees from the East, it depends on which country they came from
[00:23:41] did they come from and do they still have family ties? Because, for example, as it is in
[00:23:45] Ukraine, Ukraine was largely destroyed. Many families simply no longer existed.
[00:23:51] The women were young, 15, 16 years old, many stayed here, some got married here
[00:23:56] and had children, quite normal. They became a Tyrolean family. Others went back and
[00:24:01] It was especially difficult to return to countries that were occupied by the Soviet army,
[00:24:07] because many were suspected of having been involved with the enemy, regardless of whether they were now
[00:24:12] deported or not. And they were considered traitors to the people and traitors to the country.
[00:24:18] It was very, very difficult. And what else there was, we have some large camps in Tyrol
[00:24:23] camps. The largest camp for former forced laborers was the one in Kufstein on the barracks grounds.
[00:24:29] And from 1945/46, the UN refugee aid organization at the time made an effort,
[00:24:36] to find host countries for them. So emigration to South America, USA, France,
[00:24:43] Away from Europe.Dre[Tobias: And let's jump back in time a little bit. We're going to the end
[00:24:54] of the war. The camp has been liberated. Are there any reports like the liberation of the
[00:25:01] camp or memories of the liberation of the camp? Sabine: There are initial investigations,
[00:25:06] because the Americans arrived with their own war crimes unit. There are
[00:25:12] first reports from this war crimes unit, which tried to take witness statements,
[00:25:17] also with perpetrators. But there was an exchange of zones at the beginning of July 1945. And then came the
[00:25:23] French military government and they had to start all over again. And that means,
[00:25:28] we actually had to wait until the big trial against the Gestapo chief Hilliges and some
[00:25:33] perpetrators of the AEL, there were rumors and there were always smaller trials, but this
[00:25:39] big, concentrated information we actually only got with the investigations against these
[00:25:45] persons. Tobias: And are documents from the investigations probably still kept in Paris? Or
[00:25:51] are there also local ones? Sabine: They are partly in Paris because the trial against Hilliges and the
[00:25:57] others did not take place before an Austrian court, but before a [00:26:00] French court
[00:26:00] French court in Innsbruck. Tobias: Im... what's it called... In? Sabine: In the Landhaus. Yes, because as soon as one of the abused or
[00:26:10] dead were members of the Allies, so US-Americans, British and so on, the
[00:26:16] French military justice took over. And that was a high court in Innsbruck.
[00:26:21] And that means that in the Reichenauprozess we have documents from Paris on the one hand,
[00:26:26] but also a lot of investigation documents from Innsbruck itself. Tobias: Are there also figures,
[00:26:31] how many have been charged? Well, I don't want to go into the persons in [00:26:36] detail
[00:26:36] in detail, but basically how many indictments there are, how many
[00:26:39] I don't know how many acquittals, if any, and so on. Sabine: At the trial of
[00:26:45] Hilliges, five men were still on trial. All five were perpetrators of the labor education camp.
[00:26:51] The problem was that when the Nazi regime collapsed in the summer of 1945, there was chaos,
[00:26:59] and many of the perpetrators of the labor education camp were Reich Germans. And in the summer of 1945
[00:27:07] the wish of the Tyrolean provincial government and also the French military government in the country,
[00:27:13] to deport as many people as possible so that fewer people needed food. And the
[00:27:18] Germans were seen as a security risk and as carriers of National Socialism, which allowed
[00:27:23] to pretend that Tyroleans had always been well-behaved and democratic. All right, in any case
[00:27:29] it means that many of the perpetrators of the AEL were interrogated, some were also interned,
[00:27:36] but were then expelled as Reich Germans. And we have some trials in Germany in part
[00:27:44] only in the 70s against these perpetrators. They were deported and then they were gone. There were
[00:27:49] there were always requests, when the French military went, yes, we need him for questioning,
[00:27:52] Yes, we're sorry, he's gone. That is, but you can't do that to the Tyrolean authorities
[00:27:59] because they didn't know that at the time. Tobias: That means, actually, they went to
[00:28:04] Germany, then somehow the thread broke, so to speak. Sabine: Exactly, that is, and then
[00:28:10] they could no longer be tried in Austria. There were always investigations
[00:28:15] against these people, but the Federal Republic did not extradite them for political offenses.
[00:28:18] Gauleiter Hofer, for example. Tobias: I was just going to say, Gauleiter Hofer the most prominent example? Sabine: Most prominent example, the act is
[00:28:24] several tens of centimeters thick and those were always extradition requests, but the Federal Republic of Germany has
[00:28:30] not extradited and many of these perpetrators of the AEL, they were quite normal, they were normal
[00:28:37] people, they went back to their civilian jobs, lived quite happily and often only decades
[00:28:42] later, it came up and then it needed dedicated courts and that was in the
[00:28:48] Federal Republic of Germany was no different to ours. It takes dedicated courts to bring perpetrators to justice.
[00:28:52] [Drehgeräusch] Now the labor education camp has been liberated. But the camps will not be destroyed, they will remain
[00:29:01] preserved, I think they will remain in municipal ownership. The subsequent use is also...is also
[00:29:06] an explosive time, you have to say. Shall we briefly look at the individual case of the labor education camp?
[00:29:13] Reichenau and then perhaps in a second step, what it was like in Tyrol.
[00:29:19] Sabine: Yes, the labor education camp did not belong to the city of Innsbruck, it belonged to the regional labor office
[00:29:24] and therefore the state building authority and the state building administration was responsible, where, by the way
[00:29:29] the files are located. A camp per se, these were barrack settlements and depending on the type of construction, that is, depending on the
[00:29:37] earlier the camp was built, the better it was structurally because it was built on a concrete foundation
[00:29:42] foundation. The later it was built, the worse the structure was, because then
[00:29:47] at most there was a pile grid foundation and they were verydroaffected by decay. But in view
[00:29:52] housing shortage, the camps simply remained until well into the 1960s and sometimes into the early 1970s
[00:29:59] were used as emergency housing. The Reichenau camp complex, including prisoners of war,
[00:30:05] Civilian workers' camp of the city, railroad and post office, AEL, were used as an army discharge point,
[00:30:11] because every Wehrmacht soldier who came back to Innsbruck needed a discharge paper,
[00:30:16] that was done there draoutside, both the Americans and then the French
[00:30:20] military government used the camp as an internment camp for Nazis before it was decided
[00:30:25] what happened to them was court, deportation etc. And the city of Innsbruck always
[00:30:29] tried, as soon as a barrack became free, they tried to set up emergency apartments there.
[00:30:33] In principle, a poor settlement was created and that happened in many camps in Tyrol,
[00:30:38] For example, the camp of the cutlery factory in Schwaz was later rebuilt after
[00:30:42] internment camp also became a poor settlement. Barracks were a coveted commodity. And in view of
[00:30:50] the many bombing raids in the city of Innsbruck, the housing shortage was simply so great that one had to
[00:30:53] really every room that was somehow suitable as a place to sleep. Tobias: In the
[00:30:59] Ideally, only temporarily. Sabine: Ideally temporarily, some people are,
[00:31:03] have been there for many, many years because they were simply too poor and earned too little,
[00:31:07] to afford decent housing. That was a slum. Tobias: As far as I know, there was also one in Wörgl
[00:31:11] there was one in Kufstein... Sabine: Many, in every municipality where there was a camp,
[00:31:16] they were emergency housing afterwards. Unless the barracks were in such a miserable state,
[00:31:20] that nothing really worked anymore. Tobias: It's really tough when you think about it. Sabine: It's tough. Because the
[00:31:26] barracks that were built later, because the Nazi regime also made
[00:31:30] made distinctions as to who lived there drin. That is to say, if they tended to use Reich German
[00:31:35] workers, then the barracks were usually double-walled,
[00:31:39] with a layer of insulation in between or with double-glazed windows. Was it just a barrack for
[00:31:44] Russians, it was a windowless thing. So they also attached great importance to that,
[00:31:50] that you could tell from the type of accommodation what value the people had.
[00:31:53] Tobias: Again, a very stupid question on my part, but did it then come to sarnation work on these
[00:32:00] yes, bad barracks, be it in Reichenau or whatever else in Tyrol,
[00:32:07] that the windows were changed... Sabine: Yes.
[00:32:11] Tobias: That was already, wasn't it? Sabine: Mhm. Well, the city, the municipal building authority of Innsbruck has been very
[00:32:16] to keep these emergency barracks in Reichenau up to standard,
[00:32:20] where they say, yes, it's just about suitable for people.
[00:32:25] Tobias: And then I think until the 60s? Sabine: Until the 60s, until the construction of the municipal building yard there draußen.
[00:32:32] Tobias: And that's when the entire camp complex, so to speak, was...
[00:32:38] Sabine: Yes, then all the barracks were torn down, the last remaining barracks were torn down.
[00:32:42] A new road network was laid out, Rossaugasse, Trientlgasse and so on,
[00:32:46] None of that had existed before. And businesses were established.
[00:32:50] In other words, we see exactly nothing in Reichenau today.
[00:32:54] Tobias: Except for the memorial stone and hopefully a memorial site. Sabine: Exactly.
[00:32:59] Tobias: Finally, a question on my part, do you think it would be very useful to talk about the camp
[00:33:08] more research time in the whole of Tyrol?
[00:33:13] Sabine: Yes, it would make a lot of sense. What I have worked on are the files of the Office of the Tyrolean Provincial Government,
[00:33:19] State Building Authority and Water Management Authority etc. Files of the district administration, which is just largely
[00:33:24] still missing, because the effort would also be very great, are files in municipal archives.
[00:33:29] But the municipal chroniclers [outro music starts in the background] would simply be called upon to take up the subject.
[00:33:33] [Outro music] Tobias: Archivwürdig is a production of the Stadtarchiv Innsbruck and part of Stadtstimmen, the audio channel of the city of Innsbruck.